1.
Rossi, Benedetta
What “Development” Does to Work Journal Article
In: International Labor and Working Class, iss. 92, 2017.
@article{nokey,
title = {What “Development” Does to Work},
author = {Benedetta Rossi},
year = {2017},
date = {2017-02-01},
journal = {International Labor and Working Class},
issue = {92},
abstract = {This article introduces a special issue on ‘Developmentalism, Labor, and the Slow Death of Slavery in Twentieth Century Africa’ guest-edited by Benedetta Rossi. It argues that by mobilizing the idea of development, both colonial and independent African governments were able to continue recruiting unpaid (or underpaid) labor—relabeled as “voluntary participation,” “self-help,” or “human investment” —after the passing of the ILO’s Forced Labor Convention in 1930. I ask what happens to our understanding of development if we focus not on the developers-beneficiaries dyad, but rather on employers-employees. Doing so opens up a renewed research agenda on the consequences of “aid” both for development workers (those formally employed by development institutions) and for so-called beneficiaries (those whose participation in development is represented as conducive to their own good).
},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
This article introduces a special issue on ‘Developmentalism, Labor, and the Slow Death of Slavery in Twentieth Century Africa’ guest-edited by Benedetta Rossi. It argues that by mobilizing the idea of development, both colonial and independent African governments were able to continue recruiting unpaid (or underpaid) labor—relabeled as “voluntary participation,” “self-help,” or “human investment” —after the passing of the ILO’s Forced Labor Convention in 1930. I ask what happens to our understanding of development if we focus not on the developers-beneficiaries dyad, but rather on employers-employees. Doing so opens up a renewed research agenda on the consequences of “aid” both for development workers (those formally employed by development institutions) and for so-called beneficiaries (those whose participation in development is represented as conducive to their own good).
2.
Zimmermann, Susan
Equality of Women’s Economic Status? A Major Bone of Contention in the International Gender Politics Emerging During the Interwar Period Journal Article
In: The International History Review, vol. 41, iss. 1, pp. 200-227, 2017.
@article{nokey,
title = {Equality of Women’s Economic Status? A Major Bone of Contention in the International Gender Politics Emerging During the Interwar Period},
author = {Susan Zimmermann},
year = {2017},
date = {2017-01-01},
journal = {The International History Review},
volume = {41},
issue = {1},
pages = {200-227},
abstract = {This study brings together the often disparate scholarship on the League of Nations and the ILO. It follows the interactions between the League, women internationalists, and the ILO, which evolved around the question of woman-specific labor legislation and the equality of women's status. These interactions resulted in a broadening mandate of international gender policies while deepening the institutional and legal distinction between women's ‘political and civil’ as opposed to their ‘economic’ status. The ILO insisted on certain forms of women-specific labor regulation as a means of conjoining progressive gender and class politics, and was anxious to ensure its competence in all matters concerning women's economic status. The gender equality doctrine gaining ground in the League was rooted in a liberal-feminist paradigm which rejected the association of gender politics with such class concerns, and indeed aimed to force back the ILO's politics of gender-specific international labor standards. As a result of the widening divide between the women's policies of the League and the ILO, the international networks of labor women reduced their engagement with women's activism at the League. The developments of the 1930s deepened the tension between liberal feminism and feminisms engaging with class inequalities, and would have problematic long-term consequences for international gender politics.
},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
This study brings together the often disparate scholarship on the League of Nations and the ILO. It follows the interactions between the League, women internationalists, and the ILO, which evolved around the question of woman-specific labor legislation and the equality of women's status. These interactions resulted in a broadening mandate of international gender policies while deepening the institutional and legal distinction between women's ‘political and civil’ as opposed to their ‘economic’ status. The ILO insisted on certain forms of women-specific labor regulation as a means of conjoining progressive gender and class politics, and was anxious to ensure its competence in all matters concerning women's economic status. The gender equality doctrine gaining ground in the League was rooted in a liberal-feminist paradigm which rejected the association of gender politics with such class concerns, and indeed aimed to force back the ILO's politics of gender-specific international labor standards. As a result of the widening divide between the women's policies of the League and the ILO, the international networks of labor women reduced their engagement with women's activism at the League. The developments of the 1930s deepened the tension between liberal feminism and feminisms engaging with class inequalities, and would have problematic long-term consequences for international gender politics.
2017
Rossi, Benedetta
What “Development” Does to Work Journal Article
In: International Labor and Working Class, iss. 92, 2017.
Abstract | Tags: 20th century, africa, development, international organisations
@article{nokey,
title = {What “Development” Does to Work},
author = {Benedetta Rossi},
year = {2017},
date = {2017-02-01},
journal = {International Labor and Working Class},
issue = {92},
abstract = {This article introduces a special issue on ‘Developmentalism, Labor, and the Slow Death of Slavery in Twentieth Century Africa’ guest-edited by Benedetta Rossi. It argues that by mobilizing the idea of development, both colonial and independent African governments were able to continue recruiting unpaid (or underpaid) labor—relabeled as “voluntary participation,” “self-help,” or “human investment” —after the passing of the ILO’s Forced Labor Convention in 1930. I ask what happens to our understanding of development if we focus not on the developers-beneficiaries dyad, but rather on employers-employees. Doing so opens up a renewed research agenda on the consequences of “aid” both for development workers (those formally employed by development institutions) and for so-called beneficiaries (those whose participation in development is represented as conducive to their own good).
},
keywords = {20th century, africa, development, international organisations},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
This article introduces a special issue on ‘Developmentalism, Labor, and the Slow Death of Slavery in Twentieth Century Africa’ guest-edited by Benedetta Rossi. It argues that by mobilizing the idea of development, both colonial and independent African governments were able to continue recruiting unpaid (or underpaid) labor—relabeled as “voluntary participation,” “self-help,” or “human investment” —after the passing of the ILO’s Forced Labor Convention in 1930. I ask what happens to our understanding of development if we focus not on the developers-beneficiaries dyad, but rather on employers-employees. Doing so opens up a renewed research agenda on the consequences of “aid” both for development workers (those formally employed by development institutions) and for so-called beneficiaries (those whose participation in development is represented as conducive to their own good).
Zimmermann, Susan
Equality of Women’s Economic Status? A Major Bone of Contention in the International Gender Politics Emerging During the Interwar Period Journal Article
In: The International History Review, vol. 41, iss. 1, pp. 200-227, 2017.
Abstract | Tags: 20th century, feminism, gender, international organisations, labour movements
@article{nokey,
title = {Equality of Women’s Economic Status? A Major Bone of Contention in the International Gender Politics Emerging During the Interwar Period},
author = {Susan Zimmermann},
year = {2017},
date = {2017-01-01},
journal = {The International History Review},
volume = {41},
issue = {1},
pages = {200-227},
abstract = {This study brings together the often disparate scholarship on the League of Nations and the ILO. It follows the interactions between the League, women internationalists, and the ILO, which evolved around the question of woman-specific labor legislation and the equality of women's status. These interactions resulted in a broadening mandate of international gender policies while deepening the institutional and legal distinction between women's ‘political and civil’ as opposed to their ‘economic’ status. The ILO insisted on certain forms of women-specific labor regulation as a means of conjoining progressive gender and class politics, and was anxious to ensure its competence in all matters concerning women's economic status. The gender equality doctrine gaining ground in the League was rooted in a liberal-feminist paradigm which rejected the association of gender politics with such class concerns, and indeed aimed to force back the ILO's politics of gender-specific international labor standards. As a result of the widening divide between the women's policies of the League and the ILO, the international networks of labor women reduced their engagement with women's activism at the League. The developments of the 1930s deepened the tension between liberal feminism and feminisms engaging with class inequalities, and would have problematic long-term consequences for international gender politics.
},
keywords = {20th century, feminism, gender, international organisations, labour movements},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
This study brings together the often disparate scholarship on the League of Nations and the ILO. It follows the interactions between the League, women internationalists, and the ILO, which evolved around the question of woman-specific labor legislation and the equality of women's status. These interactions resulted in a broadening mandate of international gender policies while deepening the institutional and legal distinction between women's ‘political and civil’ as opposed to their ‘economic’ status. The ILO insisted on certain forms of women-specific labor regulation as a means of conjoining progressive gender and class politics, and was anxious to ensure its competence in all matters concerning women's economic status. The gender equality doctrine gaining ground in the League was rooted in a liberal-feminist paradigm which rejected the association of gender politics with such class concerns, and indeed aimed to force back the ILO's politics of gender-specific international labor standards. As a result of the widening divide between the women's policies of the League and the ILO, the international networks of labor women reduced their engagement with women's activism at the League. The developments of the 1930s deepened the tension between liberal feminism and feminisms engaging with class inequalities, and would have problematic long-term consequences for international gender politics.